Colin
Powell's Briefing to the Security Council: Brief Comments from an
Ex-Intelligence Officer
Fritz
W. Ermarth
ITNI:
How do you react to Secretary Powell’s presentation?
Ermarth:
It was very compelling in its content and very compellingly
delivered. I’ve read Powell quoted a few days ago saying that the speech
would contain no smoking guns. But
the whole presentation is a smoking gun because it presents such a
powerful case that Iraq is in deliberate material breach of its obligation
and has continued ties to international terrorism.
To
me, this means that Saddam Hussein is done for unless he executes
immediately and massively a complete change of course, which seems highly
improbable. The question
remains whether, in the face of this case, the UN Security Council and our
key allies rise to the occasion or not.
There is a substantial element in the international community,
especially in Europe, whose top priority is to contain, not Saddam
Hussein, but the United States. They wish the Bush Administration to fail.
They do not care about the evidence or the threat from Iraq.
The question is whether they can be outvoted.
If not, they will be ignored.
ITNI:
Were there any surprises for you?
Ermarth:
Many of the details were, of course, new—for example, the content
of the intercepts, the photographs, many of the allusions to defector
reports, the graphics on the biological warfare (BW) vans.
These revelations are evidence beyond reasonable doubt.
But
the bottom lines were by now pretty familiar by virtue of administration
arguments and news that has come out in the past.
Some of my associates express surprise that Iraq’s BW production
capability placed on mobile platforms is actually and currently producing
lethal agents. But I had
assumed that, if Saddam went to the trouble of putting hideable capability
on mobile trucks, it could be used for production in that mode.
Powell’s
detailing of the aluminum tube debate and the fact that Iraq has been
acquiring tubing—machined and finished to specifications needed for
centrifuges and not rocketry—is a major new contribution to that public
story.
ITNI:
Were there any disappointments?
Ermarth:
I am slightly surprised and somewhat disappointed that Powell did
not make more of the spotty but credible evidence of Iraqi involvement in
terrorist attacks in and on the United States going back to the early
1990s. This includes the 1993
attack on the World Trade Center and other attempted attacks in New York.
There is some evidence that it includes the Oklahoma City bombing
in 1995. The Secretary made
extensive reference to defector testimony.
But I find it odd and disappointing that he did not mention widely
reported defector reporting that terrorists got hijacking training in the
celebrated 707 at Salman Pak. Perhaps
recounting of this history would have been too awkward for the man sitting
directly behind him, or perhaps Powell himself has not found the strength
of this evidence sufficiently compelling to match its explosive
implication, i.e., that Iraq did have a hand in 9/11.
I believe it did and that, sooner or later, we shall find that
smoking gun.
A
second omission was his failure to mention that state support to
international terrorism is not a new phenomenon.
During the 1970s and 1980s, we strongly suspected (and, after the
end of the Cold War, we got positive proof) that the USSR and its allies
supported terrorists in Western Europe and in Turkey. And Saddam himself
is, after all, very much a product of Soviet support in that period. This
might have been embarrassing to the Secretary’s Russian colleague.
Finally,
I think Powell could have said that we, especially in the United States,
in Europe, and anywhere at a distance from Iraq have the most to fear, not
from missiles or unmanned airplanes, but from the combination of
bio-weapons, which we know Iraq has, with covert human-agent delivery
techniques which are easy and which we know Iraq has and can reach around
the globe. This does not have
to involve an accomplice like Al-Qaeda.
In fact, this is probably more easily and reliably done by
Saddam’s own trusted agents, whose families are under arrest just to
make sure they obey. Whatever
its current condition or capabilities, the mere existence of Al-Qaeda in
virtual or mythic form provides a false-flag cover if Saddam needs one.
He has had ten years and plenty of incentive to develop and deploy
such capabilities. Perhaps
the Secretary didn’t go into this because the prospect is uncertain but
extremely frightening. If
Saddam has already developed and deployed such covert attack capabilities,
we are likely to see them used. If
he has not, he could easily and quickly deploy them in the future.
This is, to my mind, one of the very most important reasons for
getting rid of him and his toxic arsenals.
Fritz
W. Ermarth is Director of National Security Programs at the Nixon Center.
He is also a senior analyst at Science Applications International
Corporation. He retired from
CIA in 1998 after 25 years of service.
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