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Colin
Powell's Briefing to the Security Council: Brief
Comments from an Ex-Intelligence Officer
Fritz
W. Ermarth
ITNI:
How do you react to Secretary Powell’s
presentation?
Ermarth:
It was very compelling in its content and very
compellingly delivered. I’ve read Powell quoted a few
days ago saying that the speech would contain no smoking
guns. But
the whole presentation is a smoking gun because it
presents such a powerful case that Iraq is in deliberate
material breach of its obligation and has continued ties
to international terrorism.
To
me, this means that Saddam Hussein is done for unless he
executes immediately and massively a complete change of
course, which seems highly improbable.
The question remains whether, in the face of this
case, the UN Security Council and our key allies rise to
the occasion or not.
There is a substantial element in the
international community, especially in Europe, whose top
priority is to contain, not Saddam Hussein, but the
United States. They wish the Bush Administration to fail.
They do not care about the evidence or the threat
from Iraq. The
question is whether they can be outvoted.
If not, they will be ignored.
ITNI:
Were there any surprises for you?
Ermarth:
Many of the details were, of course, new—for
example, the content of the intercepts, the photographs,
many of the allusions to defector reports, the graphics
on the biological warfare (BW) vans.
These revelations are evidence beyond reasonable
doubt.
But
the bottom lines were by now pretty familiar by virtue
of administration arguments and news that has come out
in the past. Some
of my associates express surprise that Iraq’s BW
production capability placed on mobile platforms is
actually and currently producing lethal agents.
But I had assumed that, if Saddam went to the
trouble of putting hideable capability on mobile trucks,
it could be used for production in that mode.
Powell’s
detailing of the aluminum tube debate and the fact that
Iraq has been acquiring tubing—machined and finished
to specifications needed for centrifuges and not
rocketry—is a major new contribution to that public
story.
ITNI:
Were there any disappointments?
Ermarth:
I am slightly surprised and somewhat disappointed
that Powell did not make more of the spotty but credible
evidence of Iraqi involvement in terrorist attacks in
and on the United States going back to the early 1990s.
This includes the 1993 attack on the World Trade
Center and other attempted attacks in New York.
There is some evidence that it includes the
Oklahoma City bombing in 1995.
The Secretary made extensive reference to
defector testimony.
But I find it odd and disappointing that he did
not mention widely reported defector reporting that
terrorists got hijacking training in the celebrated 707
at Salman Pak. Perhaps
recounting of this history would have been too awkward
for the man sitting directly behind him, or perhaps
Powell himself has not found the strength of this
evidence sufficiently compelling to match its explosive
implication, i.e., that Iraq did have a hand in 9/11.
I believe it did and that, sooner or later, we
shall find that smoking gun.
A
second omission was his failure to mention that state
support to international terrorism is not a new
phenomenon. During
the 1970s and 1980s, we strongly suspected (and, after
the end of the Cold War, we got positive proof) that the
USSR and its allies supported terrorists in Western
Europe and in Turkey. And Saddam himself is, after all,
very much a product of Soviet support in that period.
This might have been embarrassing to the Secretary’s
Russian colleague.
Finally,
I think Powell could have said that we, especially in
the United States, in Europe, and anywhere at a distance
from Iraq have the most to fear, not from missiles or
unmanned airplanes, but from the combination of
bio-weapons, which we know Iraq has, with covert
human-agent delivery techniques which are easy and which
we know Iraq has and can reach around the globe.
This does not have to involve an accomplice like
Al-Qaeda. In
fact, this is probably more easily and reliably done by
Saddam’s own trusted agents, whose families are under
arrest just to make sure they obey.
Whatever its current condition or capabilities,
the mere existence of Al-Qaeda in virtual or mythic form
provides a false-flag cover if Saddam needs one.
He has had ten years and plenty of incentive to
develop and deploy such capabilities.
Perhaps the Secretary didn’t go into this
because the prospect is uncertain but extremely
frightening. If
Saddam has already developed and deployed such covert
attack capabilities, we are likely to see them used.
If he has not, he could easily and quickly deploy
them in the future.
This is, to my mind, one of the very most
important reasons for getting rid of him and his toxic
arsenals.
Fritz
W. Ermarth is Director of National Security Programs at
the Nixon Center. He
is also a senior analyst at Science Applications
International Corporation.
He retired from CIA in 1998 after 25 years of
service.
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