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Rumsfeld's
Exaggerations:
On the
Saddam/Al-Qaeda Link
Michael
O'Hanlon
Ever since the
September 11 attacks, and especially in recent months,
advocates of overthrowing Saddam Hussein have sensed an
opportunity to press their case. Realizing that the
country was anxious for action to improve its security,
they thought that the terrorist attacks could produce a
political climate more conducive to their longstanding
goal of deposing the butcher of Baghdad. Unfortunately,
the enthusiasm of some such advocates has sometimes led
them to deliberately mislead the American people about a
possible tie between Saddam Hussein and Al-Qaeda. The
most guilty party in recent weeks has been Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld.
To be sure, the world
would be better off if Saddam were gone from power. In
addition, there is a serious case for forcibly removing
him, especially if he again thwarts the work of weapons
inspectors and their effort to disarm Iraq of its
weapons of mass destruction.
But the Congress and
the public deserve the best possible information about
the threat posed by Saddam in order to reach a
democratic decision about the desirability of war. As
the country's chief custodians of the nation's
intelligence information, top national security
officials have an obligation not only to offer their own
best advice about possible future action, but to share
data as accurately and forthrightly with the American
people as is possible. Security considerations will
sometimes preclude full disclosure, of course. But under
no circumstances should top officials cross the line of
deliberately misleading the nation about the case for
war.
Regrettably, Secretary
Rumsfeld has come too close to that line, and even
strayed across it once or twice.
Consider:
Up until 9/11/2001, the
intelligence community stated that Saddam had not
supported anti-Western terrorism since his attempt to
have former President George Bush assassinated in 1993.
Yet advocates of overthrowing Saddam quickly raised the
possibility last fall that Saddam might have been linked
to the 9/11 attacks without any new evidence to
challenge this longstanding intelligence community view.
Rumsfeld was not among the most vocal then, but a number
of individuals on his quasi-official Defense Policy
Board made the case publicly and frequently.
It turns out that the
purported meeting between hijacker Muhammed Atta and a
top Iraqi intelligence officer in Prague in 2001, widely
discussed after 9/11 as evidence of a possible
Saddam-Al-Qaeda link, may never have taken place. Yet,
according to some reports, Rumsfeld has tried to squelch
any public airing of the intelligence community's
uncertainties in regard to this possible link,
preferring to leave people with the impression that the
meeting did occur.
In August, Rumsfeld
told Tom Brokaw on NBC News that "there are Al-Qaeda
in Iraq." He later stated that, since Saddam is a
dictator with presumed total control of his country, it
was unlikely those terrorists were on Iraqi territory
unbeknownst to the Iraqi leader. Later in the month,
however, Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and
the intelligence community both quietly restated their
convictions that any Al-Qaeda operatives inside Iraq
were in the northern part of the country, beyond
Saddam's control and not linked with him or his security
apparatus.
In the last week,
Rumsfeld, as well as National Security Advisor
Condoleeza Rice, have alleged that some Al-Qaeda members
may be in Baghdad, and that they may even have received
training in chemical weapons technologies from Iraqi
agents. Yet President Bush, speaking on the same subject
at nearly the same time, avoided any such claims.
Moreover, Rumsfeld later admitted that this claim was
only a provisional intelligence finding based on a
single source, and offered no further details about the
nature of the alleged complicity.
The country has a right
to greater honesty from its top officials. If Mr.
Rumsfeld has solid evidence of a link between Saddam and
Al-Qaeda, he should, of course, say so. Indeed, such
intelligence would provide a rock-solid case for
overthrowing Saddam even if he lets inspectors into
Iraq, especially if the link between Saddam and Al-Qaeda
has become substantial or if there was any Iraqi hand in
the events of 9/11.
But given Mr.
Rumsfeld's previous misstatements, as well as internal
administration disagreements on the subject, one senses
a different dynamic at work. Appearances would suggest
that Secretary Rumsfeld is so bent on overthrowing
Saddam--and doing it quickly--that he is either
misleading himself or deliberately misleading the
country about the presence of a "smoking gun"
link between Saddam and Al-Qaeda.
The country deserves
better, especially when debating such an extremely
momentous decision about going to war and risking the
lives of its soldiers, the security of its homeland, and
the fate of the Persian Gulf region.
Michael O'Hanlon is a
senior fellow in foreign policy studies at The Brookings
Institution.
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