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Gas Pains
Charles
A. Kohlhaas
The shortage of gas
in the United
States is now officially recognized. It has been
legitimized by Alan Greenspan in testimony before the
House Energy and Commerce Committee, reported by The
New York Times and the Wall Street Journal,
and advanced to an editorial subject in the Wall
Street Journal; all in a fortnight.
This is a problem
that has been building for years, however, and will have
deep and profound consequences for the American economy
and, consequently, political alignments. Because
natural gas is clean-burning and economical, it is the
primary fuel for heating new homes and commercial
developments and new facilities to generate
electricity. Demand is increasing and production is
declining. Shortages are predicted to have severe
negative consequences for the American economy. At the
same time, political and market forces have limited the
supply of natural gas and severely constrained
development of new supplies.
A gas shortage
developed in the early 1970s at about the same time as
the Arab embargo on oil. The two combined for what was
called the Energy Crisis and caused major political
reaction.
In response to the
gas shortage of the 1970s, government provided various
price incentives in long-term contracts for pipelines
and producers. Large supplies were developed and
eventually surplus capacity was available. This surplus
lowered prices for marginal customers who purchased gas
on the spot market. The price discrepancy led to the
abrogation of the long-term contracts and repudiation of
the price incentives. Gas contracts started trading on
the NYMEX. Marginal pricing, in which the price of
small marginal amounts determines the price of all the
gas (or oil, or any commodity traded in such a manner),
became the pricing system for gas and oil.
Marginal pricing led
the way down for prices for all gas to sub-economical
levels at the same time oil prices also collapsed.
Producers bankrupted on a large scale and repudiated
their debt. In the late 1980’s the industry imploded by
about 80 percent; widespread layoffs collapsed
real-estate markets from
Texas
through Oklahoma, Kansas, New Mexico, and Colorado to
Wyoming and Montana. Homes could be bought by assuming
payments. At one point, Denver had 17 “see-through”
major office buildings downtown. Banks failed and when
the chain of debt repudiation extended to home
mortgages, savings and loans followed. Commercial real
estate and home equities were destroyed.
But the rest of the
country neither noticed nor cared. With cheap gas and
oil, the national economy continued to grow. Real
estate values surged on both coasts; the increase of
employment in manufacturing was followed by the tech
boom of the late 1990s.
Concurrently, the
growth of the environmental movement in the 1970s began
raising questions about pollution and the effect of any
type of industrial activity, including oil and gas
development, on the environment. The effect of
ever-increasing environmental restrictions on oil and
gas operations through the 1990s was not noticed; a
surplus of supply was available and more development was
not needed.
That supply surplus
is now gone, however, and the outlook is not good.
Prices are still determined by trading contracts on the
NYMEX and other short-term trading mechanisms. Marginal
pricing is now increasing the price of all gas just as
it decreased it in the 1980s. Severe environmental and
other regulatory constraints prevent development of new
supplies in most of the country. Drilling is prohibited
offshore the West Coast, the East Coast, the
North
Coast,
and most of the
South
Coast.
Only offshore
Texas and Louisiana can be developed and those areas are
so picked over that new wells lose over 50 percent of
their productive capacity in the first year and another
50 percent in the second before they go into a steady
prolonged decline.
In
Wyoming, development
of gas fields is prevented during most of the year by
considerations of sage grouse mating and nesting,
mountain plover mating and nesting, prairie dog
activities, big-game mating, vacation periods (we cannot
let a vacationer see a drilling rig; that might have a
negative impact on the vacation experience) and various
other considerations. The period available for drilling
is from 1
to 3 months
out of the year.
Operators with large
lease positions will require decades to develop any
significant amount of supply with these restrictions –
that is, if they can get a permit to drill and find a
drilling rig. The federal administrative bureaucracies
have developed an anti-drilling bias; drilling permits
that used to require a few days now require months. The
average length of time to acquire a federal drilling
permit from the Bureau of Land Management increased
by 60 percent from 2001 to 2002. Drilling
contractors are reluctant to invest millions building
drilling rigs and training crews that will be busy only
for 1 to 3 months of the year and subject to an
uncertain permitting process.
Those in the industry
who saw the repudiation of contracts and price
incentives in the 1980s have little faith in government
incentives or guarantees. This skepticism is reinforced
by increased bureaucratic opposition, proposed “Energy
Bills” which are actually farm-relief programs mandating
corn alcohol fuels, and drilling bans on leases after
operators have paid significant acquisition fees.
Government has lost credibility. The industry is
generally relieved when an “Energy Bill” does not
pass.
Other sources of
energy are often proposed as a solution. “Renewable
energy” is a chimera; it is generally more expensive and
has greater environmental impact than conventional gas
development. The recent outcry against windmills placed
offshore in
Massachusetts, (and this a “renewable clean energy”
offshore, one of our most liberal states) demonstrates
that such alternatives will not be replacing gas as a
fuel in the near future. Nuclear power is one of the
cleanest, and safest, electricity sources. It causes
severe environmental and political emotional reactions,
however, and is not politically acceptable, mostly for
the wrong reasons.
Mr. Greenspan
suggested that imports of liquefied natural gas (LNG)
must be increased to alleviate the problem. Imports of
gas require contracting with foreign governments for
field development and infrastructure. The fields must
then be developed and produced. The gas must be
liquefied for transport to the
United States where
re-gasification is necessary at or near the point of
import. Large long-term investment will be required,
mostly in unfriendly and unstable places. Such
investment will require long-term contracts at reliable
prices; marginal pricing will not be attractive. On the
receiving end, the United States currently has only four
gasification plants and the thought of permitting any
new ones is enough to give nightmares to any investor.
With increasing gas
demand and a lack of supply, marginal pricing could be
expected to lead the prices of gas ever higher. Should
we expect prices rising to $10 per million BTU? $15?
$20? Sustained prices at these levels would have a
devastating effect on residential and commercial
customers, industry, agriculture, and have a major
widespread effect on our economy. It seems more likely,
however, that although we may have spikes to these price
levels, they will not be sustained. Some analyses show
prices will level off at an average in the $3 to $4
range. Instead of extremely high prices across the
entire economy, prices will be held at these moderate
levels by selective demand destruction, a far more
subtle and insidious result of gas shortages because the
effects will be more gradual.
Electric generation
plants and commercial and residential customers have
little flexibility with regard to switching to other
fuels or in changing location. The burden of adjusting
to shortages of cheap natural gas therefore will fall on
basic industries. Many industries cannot operate
competitively in the world economy with high gas
prices. Those industries will close factories, lay off
workers, and either go out of business or move to other
countries. In either case, unemployment will increase
in the Unite States. If jobs are lost throughout the
country we can expect the same results nationwide that
were experienced in the center of the country in the
1980s. Widespread corporate bankruptcy, layoffs, real
estate market collapse, equity loss, mortgage and debt
repudiation, and widespread bank failures. “Energy
Bills” such as those proposed will not stop this
process.
Wall Street has noted
that this process has already started and is identifying
industries that will be driven out of the country:
Fertilizers, chemicals, refining, food, paper, steel and
various specialty manufacturing. Shares of gas
producers are selectively recommended on the basis of
whether they are successfully re-deploying capital
outside the
United States.
The political system
must answer a simple question for its constituents: How
many and whose jobs shall we sacrifice and family
savings shall we destroy on behalf of sage grouse and
prairie dogs? I have observed that prairie dogs thrive
in the Denver
metropolitan area, in some cases within a few feet of
major thoroughfares carrying large amounts of traffic.
It is difficult to believe drilling operations in the
summer in Wyoming will disturb them much. The
environmental movement has had an unchecked free run for
30 years with no concern for the consequences of its
actions. It is now time to pay the bill; it must be
decided who is going to pay and how much.
The natural, commendable, and legitimate concerns of the
American people regarding pollution, wildlife habitat,
and preserving our natural environment have been
perverted to a system with little regard for the
economic impact on the people themselves. A balance
must be established between cost and benefit.
In addition, the
marginal pricing system, which works so well to take
prices to a minimum during periods of oversupply, but
which creates volatility and leads prices higher without
attracting investment in periods of shortage must be
modified with a reliable long-term pricing and supply
structure. This will be necessary to develop foreign
sources of supply and the infrastructure for importing
gas as LNG; no less should be available for our own
citizens for development of domestic supplies.
Dr.
Charles A. Kohlhaas is a former Professor of Petroleum
Engineering at the Colorado School of Mines and has
worked for, founded, managed, and consulted for major
and independent companies in the international oil and
gas industry. He has written on questions relating to
oil for previous issues of In the National Interest.
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