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A Final Word
on Korea
Peter Huessy
[EDITOR'S NOTE: For the last several issues, Ted
Carpenter (of the Cato Institute) and Peter Huessy have
exchanged their views over American interests on the
Korean peninsula. This article is in response to "Time
to Get South Korea off the Security Dole,” archived at
http://www.inthenationalinterest.com/Articles/Vol2Issue33/Vol2Issue33Carpenter.html.]
Ted Carpenter of the CATO Institute opposes the
U.S.
military presence in the
Republic of
Korea.
He argues that the country is perfectly capable of
taking care of its own defense and the
United States should
withdraw its forces. He further implies that once the
United States
has left the Peninsula, the North Koreans will have no
reason to hold U.S. cities hostage with their nuclear
weapons and ballistic missiles. He finally asserts that
(1) China has no motivation to help the United States
resolve the question of whether the North should give up
in nuclear weapons program and (2) the present U.S.
administration is wrong to seek help from a country such
as China
that is reluctant, at best, to help out the
United States.
My argument is that the ROK is not defensible without
the presence of U.S. long range and off-shore air power
and naval forces, and that the deterrent value of these
conventional forces and our nuclear umbrella prevents
the North Koreans from engaging in reckless behavior
that could result in the invasion of the Republic of
Korea, with its capital, Seoul, some 17 miles from the
heavily armed DMZ and massed artillery and tanks under
the command of Kim Jong-Il. While China may indeed be
playing a double game of both helping the communist
regime in Pyongyang develop both nuclear weapons and
ballistic missiles, there may also be people in the
Beijing government willing and able to help the U.S.,
the ROK and Japan exert sufficient pressure on Kim
Jong-Il to first freeze the nuclear weapons program and
then eliminate it. For too long, American policymakers
have given China a free pass with respect to its
proliferation activities, not the least of which was the
Clinton administration’s transfer of ballistic missile
guidance technology to China and the apparently
surreptitious transfer of nuclear weapons technology as
well.
The ROK’s population, GDP and per capita income are all
irrelevant to its defense. The threat from the North is
so proximate that the use of persistent chemical weapons
against the airfields of the south using long-range
artillery and air power would make ROK airpower highly
problematic. The only thing that can stop the heavy
armor of the communists is long-range airpower and
off-shore sea power, little of which the ROK possesses.
With the U.S. withdrawn from the Peninsula, the target
set facing the North is dramatically simplified. There
is no mystery to where the ROK targets are. The DPRK
leadership knows this, and this is why it has repeatedly
asserted the requirement that the U.S. withdraw its
forces from the ROK as a precondition of discussing the
nuclear program of the North. I find it ironic that
Carpenter apparently believes that appeasement now
works—in this case, giving in to the demands of one of
the most despotic, cruel and vicious regimes on earth.
Even should the ROK decide to put sufficient funding
into a long range air force and sufficient sea power to
contain the clowns in
Pyongyang,
such an effort would require at least an 8 year, and
perhaps a 13 year, procurement and acquisition cycle.
During that period of time, the
U.S. would still be
faced with missile and perhaps nuclear weapons
deployments by Kim Jong-Il’s regime, a regime consumed
with the goal of unifying the Korean peninsula by force.
Should the U.S. withdrawal be premature, if the ROK
rearmament plan be less than what is required to
maintain deterrence, and if the communist’s in Pyongyang
are emboldened both by the U.S. withdrawal and the end
of the US nuclear umbrella, war could very well be the
outcome of Mr. Carpenter’s agenda.
My belief is that there are those in
China
determined to drive the
U.S. out of the
Pacific and achieve the status of a hegemonic Pacific
power. These forces, I believe, gravely miscalculated
when they “winked” at the various missiles programs
being pursued by Pyongyang—only to see the U.S. build a
missile defense that complicates China’s own plans to
forcefully take over Taiwan. I also believe there are
those in China determined to work with other Pacific
countries to further the growth and prosperity of the
region and abandon Chinese imperial ambitions. It will
take a long-term strategy to bring the latter to the
forefront in
China.
Eliminating
U.S. forces from the ROK, and the western Pacific, would
be an open invitation to the warmongers in both
Pyongyang and Beijing to push their agenda.
Peter
Huessy is President of GeoStrategic Analysis, a Maryland
defense consulting firm. He is Senior Defense Associate
at NDUF. He specializes in nuclear weapons, missile
defense, terrorism and rogue states. These views are his
own and do not necessarily reflect those of his
affiliated organizations.
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