The Bekaa Beckons
March 11, 2004
By John R. Thomson
Lebanon’s
beautiful Bekaa
Valley
is a hotbed of evil. The primary connecting link between
Syria and
Lebanon, the ruggedly lush valley is an important center
for much of what troubles and terrifies the world:
drugs, terrorists and, reportedly, weapons of mass
destruction. The narrow 75 mile long corridor has, in
fact, become one of the most dangerous places on earth –
and not just for the chance passersby but also for the
world at large. It is long past time for the Bekaa
Valley
to be returned to its peaceful past.
Granted, both
legitimate and contraband caravans transited the Bekaa as they transported
all kinds of merchandise to and from the great port of
Beirut.
Most of the traffic was benign enough, manufactured goods heading east from
Beirut’s port and agricultural
products moving west towards Europe. For 20 years, however, a very
different kind of traffic has developed: the Bekaa has become one of the
world’s most important transit, as well as refining points, for opium and
its derivatives.
Earlier, in the
1960s, the place was so beautiful and close to Beirut that families would
drive out for leisurely picnics in the green valley and surrounding hills,
or visit the stately Roman ruins of Baalbek. No more. Syrian troops are
bivouacked in the valley and people driving out from Damascus are likely to
be Hezbollah terrorists. Founded and financed by Iran, and coddled by
Syria, Hezbollah is dedicated to the destruction of Israel. Their fighters
linger for training in the Bekaa, before heading south to the Israeli border
to cause as much mischief as possible.
The Bekaa’s descent
into an existence far harsher than caravans and picnics could be said to
have started in those same, turbulent 60s. Reporting for the Sunday
Times of London during 1967’s Six Day War, I drove from Beirut through
the Bekaa, heading for Syria’s Golan Heights, soon to fall into Israeli
hands. As we paused in the center of the valley, a roar from behind us
turned out to be a flight of four Lebanese Air Force Hawker-Hunter jet
fighters. Moments later, swooping in from the southeast came four much
faster Israeli Mirage fighters. As the Lebanese “fighters” flew overhead,
the pilot in the lead aircraft “waggled” his wings in an internationally
recognized peaceful salute and veered north; the lead Israeli Mirage
returned the greeting and banked eastwards towards Damascus.
Since that moment of
bizarre pilot politesse, things have declined precipitately. As
peace unfolded in 1967 and during the rest of the decade, a flood of
Palestinians surged north from the territory newly occupied by Israel.
Inter-communal hostilities between Lebanese Christians and Muslims took a
massive toll. Beirut was reduced to rubble. Israel invaded Lebanon from
the south, followed by Syria from the east. In 1982, some 1,000 Palestinian
refugees were massacred in the horrific Sabra and Chatila camps on the
city’s outskirts.
In October 1983, the
U.S. Marines’ peacekeeping encampment near the Beirut airport was
truck-bombed killing 241 troops. When the remaining Marines decamped having
scarcely retaliated, Arabs throughout the region decided America had no
stomach for confronting the simmering discontent emanating from the tortured
Palestinian-Israeli confrontation. And the discontent fed as it spread on
Arabia’s frustrated awareness of
its own social, cultural and military foibles.
With Syria
effectively in control of Lebanon and already involved in the drug trade, it
was a small step to utilize the Bekaa
Valley
as a transit base, and another small step to set up heroin processing
facilities. Indeed, units of the Syrian military have long provided the
Bekaa’s dirty denizens “protection” services … to protect their monetary
interests in the various businesses.
It was equally easy
– just another small step -- for Syria to wink at Iran sending hundreds of
Hezbollah recruits for training in the Bekaa. The two countries had been on
friendly terms ever since the mullahs took over in Tehran in 1979 – so much
so that, in the mid-80s, thousands of Iranian women, widowed from the
Iraq-Iran war, went to Damascus to seek husbands. Special hotels were
designated for the ladies, who on arrival would create cash by selling a few
Persian carpets and anything else of value they had been able to bring, in
order to lure their Syrian sweethearts back home.
There the Bekaa
Valley
sat in corrupted splendor. The formerly relaxed valley had become a safe
haven for the manufacture of illicit drugs and a training ground for
fanatical terrorists. What could have been a more natural place for Saddam
Hussein, under threat of invasion and destruction, to warehouse his WMD?
Following the end of
major Operation Iraqi Freedom hostilities, Israeli intelligence began last
June to investigate the possibility, and within weeks became convinced that
substantial quantities of Iraqi WMD had transited Syria and were now stashed
less than 15 miles from Israeli territory. So convinced were they that
plans were made for offensive strikes aimed at the Bekaa and at Damascus.
And then, silence.
As the Israelis were
rattling their sabers, Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad assured Secretary of
State Colin Powell that his government was at last moving against terrorist
organizations in Damascus, and they did so, for as long as it took Powell to
return to Washington, DC. Then, in a classic Damascene maneuver, Syrian
officials said there had been some misunderstanding and rescinded many of
the concessions the American Secretary of State had a few days earlier
announced had been agreed with Al-Assad. It seemed clear Powell had been
hoodwinked into convincing the Israelis to stand down from their offensive
posture.
As if that were not
enough, credible reports place significant quantities of WMD at three
clearly identified locations within Syria, transported by a company,
Al-Bachaer,
owned by the Al-Assad family. Nevertheless,
for more than nine months, there has been nothing but silence about this
most compelling solution to the mystery of what became of Saddam’s WMD.
The Bekaa
Valley
is a fetid swamp of subversion and it is time to drain it, whether or not
WMD are found there. As was the case in
Iraq, there are multiple reasons to
relieve Lebanon, the region and the world of the Bekaa’s multiple dangers.
What a victory it would be, were the heroin factories and the
Hezbollah fighters removed from their cushy existence, forcefully if
necessary.
Moreover, it is time
to tell Bashar Al-Assad to come clean on a host of unsavory subjects,
including
·
revealing Iraqi WMD
locations in Syria and cooperating in their disposal;
·
handing over Iraqi funds
held in Damascus banks;
·
capturing ex-officials of
Saddam’s regime hiding around the country;
·
closing down Syria’s own
WMD programs;
·
withdrawing Syrian troops
and ending the occupation of Lebanon.
Just as the mood in
the United States has altered radically since 9/11, so has the Middle East’s
image of America since the end of major hostilities in Iraq. Once again,
there is respect for the United States. Not affection, but respect. That
respect has resulted in numerous national changes of direction towards more
open societies:
Iraq:
promulgation of an interim constitution as a first step to open election of
representatives and writing of a permanent constitution;
Libya:
discontinuance of all WMD programs and renunciation of the presidential
aspirations of Colonel Muammar Qaddafi’s son, Seif, groomed for 12 years to
succeed his father;
Egypt:
declaration by President Hosni Mubarrak that a special commission will
create a democratic succession plan and simultaneous denial that his son,
Gamal, groomed for 10 years to take over, was ever a candidate to succeed
the man who has headed Egypt for 22 years;
Saudi Arabia:
decision to hold the first democratic elections in the country’s history,
to fill half the seats on municipal councils, as well as increased women’s
rights;
Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar:
announcement of plans for faster-paced democratization and more liberal
women’s rights.
The recently
completed, corrupt elections in
Iran emphasize the progress in the
Arab states. Moreover, despite its venality at the polls,
Iran seems to be cooperating, however
reluctantly, with the civilized world regarding their nuclear development
programs.
The foregoing
represent significant advances in the Middle East’s glacial political
climate. In less than a year, seven Arab regimes have taken important steps
to loosen their autocratic grips on their populations.
If it can happen in
these countries, progress can surely occur in Lebanon and Syria. For the
sake of peace, in the region and worldwide, it is essential that the Bekaa
Valley
be returned to a non-threatening condition. And for the sake of its
longevity, it is critical that the Syrian government make serious efforts to
cooperate with the United States
in rounding up the Iraqi exiles, funds and military munitions the country
harbors.
John R.
Thomson has lived and worked in the Middle East for three decades as
businessman, diplomat and journalist. Starting before 1967’s Six Day War,
he has reported extensively on the region’s wars and geopolitics from bases
in Beirut,
Cairo and Riyadh.
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