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Arafat's Trojan Horse
Erick Stakelbeck
On Saturday, via video from his compound in Ramallah,
Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat told the
Arab League Summit in Tunisia that he was committed to
what he called “the peace of the brave” with Israel and
expressed optimism in the “Road Map” peace plan.
One would hope that at this stage, in the midst of a
second Arafat-backed intifada, even the most
die-hard of his traditional supporters—European
diplomats, State Department Arabists and Middle Eastern
despots—would have trouble taking such comments
seriously.
Indeed, Arafat’s rhetoric in Tunisia was a harsh
departure from remarks he made as recently as May 15,
when he closed a televised speech by urging Palestinians
to “find whatever strength you have to terrorize your
enemy.”
It’s no accident that Arafat’s incitement to “terrorize”
Israel coincided with a meeting between Secretary of
State Colin Powell and Palestinian Prime Minister Ahmed
Qureia in Jordan or that it preceded a similar session
between Qureia and National Security Advisor Condoleezza
Rice held last Monday in Berlin.
In Arafat’s megalomaniacal mind, the peace
process—which, over the years, he has done everything in
his power to sabotage—cannot be discussed without his
duplicitous participation. Hence, last Saturday’s
incendiary comments, which Powell deemed as further
proof that the Palestinian people need to “wrest
control” from Arafat immediately.
One problem with this scenario is that there is
currently no viable, democratic alternative to Arafat,
certainly not among the Palestinians’ ever-popular
terrorist factions. The fact that murderous thugs like
Hamas are considered saviors by a large percentage of
Palestinians is a tribute to the depraved culture that
Arafat has helped shape in Gaza and the
West Bank.
Take the events of May 11, when Hamas and Islamic Jihad
practically fell over themselves in claiming
responsibility for the death of six Israeli soldiers
killed by a roadside bomb in Gaza.
To make matters worse, both groups claimed to be in
possession of some of the dead soldiers’ body parts, a
particularly gruesome boast given that the bombing
occurred on the same day that footage of the beheading
of American businessman Nicholas Berg was released on
the Internet.
In the end, the Gaza bombing—which spearheaded a week of
clashes that saw 32 Palestinians and 13 Israelis
killed—only left the Palestinians drifting further from
both statehood and free elections. Such are the
consequences of Arafat’s refusal to reign in the
Palestinians’ terrorist elements.
Earlier this month, for instance, the Palestinian
Authority released Hamas funds that had been frozen
since last August. The money, which was transferred into
Hamas bank accounts in Gaza, belongs to 12 charities
affiliated with Hamas' so-called political wing. Whether
it will actually reach its supposed target—needy
Palestinians in the Gaza Strip—or be used to fund
further suicide attacks remains to be seen (although
history argues for the latter).
But collusion between the PA and terrorist organizations
is nothing new. In April, Arafat was prepared to include
Hamas and Islamic Jihad in a unified Palestinian
leadership structure that would have functioned
alongside the PA. While the two groups ultimately
rejected the proposal, both have worked closely with
Arafat’s Fatah movement in recent weeks to track down
and kill Palestinians suspected of collaborating with
the Israeli Army.
Despite these links, Arafat continues to wonder aloud
why the United States and Israel refuse to include him
in any discussions regarding the peace process. Indeed,
President Bush’s recent comment that the establishment
of a Palestinian state by the year 2005 (as laid out in
the “Road Map”) appeared unrealistic due to continued
Palestinian terrorism drew an indignant response from
Arafat, who said it was “realistic and more.”
Arafat’s retort came shortly after the murders of a
pregnant Israeli woman and her four children by
Palestinian terrorists in Gaza on May 2 (in which gunmen
emptied bullets into the pregnant mother’s stomach at
close range) and a foiled May 9 suicide attack in Tel
Aviv by a purported Palestinian “hermaphrodite” (a
natural progression, I suppose, since men, women and
children have already been used as suicide bombers).
Of course, these acts were met with deafening silence by
Arafat, who encourages and funds further terror while
paying lip service to the “Road Map.”
He has already issued a harsh rebuke, though, of recent
Israeli Army operations in Gaza, calling them a “planned
massacre.” Ironically enough, the Israelis are in
Gaza
to neutralize weapons-smuggling tunnels and wanted
terrorists that Arafat himself could have dealt with
long ago.
Such a move, however, would have given terrorists like
Arafat and Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal (who, last
Monday, publicly rejected a cease-fire with Israel) less
leverage in the eyes of the always-sympathetic
“international community,” which has, predictably,
lambasted the Israeli action in Gaza as “state terror.”
It’s a self-serving game that Arafat plays well—so well
that the Palestinian people seem assured of remaining
just as he wants them: stateless.
Erick Stakelbeck is
Senior Writer at the Investigative Project, a
Washington, D.C.-based counter-terrorism research
institute.
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