Coalition Warfare in Iraq: Then and Now
July 7, 2004
By Rick Russell
A common critique of the Bush administration's war in
Iraq is that George W. Bush failed to diplomatically
harness as broad a coalition as his father George H. W.
Bush had in the 1990-91 Gulf War. This common wisdom
holds that had the current President been as much of a
statesman as his father, the situation in
Iraq
would be far more stable and certain than it is today.
Rarely, if ever, do the media, commentators or people on
the street challenge this common wisdom.
Pausing for just a
moment to peak behind the common mind's argument, however, reveals that the
coalition configuration that fought against Saddam's regime last year and is
now waging a counterinsurgency – against what's left of Saddam's thugs among
the Sunnis, the Shiite militant movement catalyzed by Muqtada al-Sadr,
al-Qaeda and other fundamentalist Islamic zealots – is much the same as the
coalition that waged war against Iraq in 1991.
The 1990-91 war
showcased a wide array of more than thirty countries that contributed forces
to oust the Iraqi military from Kuwait, but the burdens of waging war – as
distinct from photo opportunities – were carried by a lonely couple, the
Americans and the British. American and British forces spearheaded the
coalition drives into and around Iraqi forces occupying Kuwait. The French,
after much political controversy and turmoil in Paris, eventually managed to
dispatch a substantial force to the coalition. To placate the French ego,
their forces were assigned to holding down an Iraqi airfield far from harm's
way and the major thrusts of American and British operations. The Germans,
under a more restrictive interpretation than today of their constitution
sent only a handful of trainer aircraft to
Turkey.
Arab forces from
Egypt, Syria and the Gulf Cooperation Council added much political clout to
the coalition, but little in the way of proficient men or arms for waging
war. Their major, if not only, contribution in battle was to carry the
Kuwaiti flag into Kuwait City
after it had been liberated by American and British forces. The more
significant contributions from the
Arab
Gulf
states came in the form of financial backing, the provision of facilities
and transit rights for the British and Americans forces waging the
campaign. Often overlooked today is that Arab opposition to marching
coalition forces into Iraqi territory stymied any ambitious strategic
thinking in Washington and London to set the removal of Saddam's regime as
the political objective for Desert Storm.
Fast forward to
examine the current conflict in Iraq and a sense of déjà vu arises
when examining the military contributions to ousting Saddam's repugnant
regime and the counterinsurgency operations now underway. While the Bush
Administration touts some eighty coalition members contributing to the war
on terror – a figure that is near meaningless because it lumps token
military contributions to operations against al-Qaeda, in
Afghanistan
and Iraq together – the number simply does not convey the critical
characteristics of the war in Iraq. Just as in the 1991 campaign, American
and British forces spearheaded military operations in the 2003 war to oust
Saddam. The Americans made bold military dashes to take Baghdad while the
British ably secured Basra. The absence of French and German military
contributions mattered little; just as their battlefield contributions to
the first Iraq war were negligible. Nor were Arab forces dispatched to help
the American and British spearheads given political sensitivities and
vulnerabilities reminiscent of those that caused Arab regimes to fear any
prospects for coalition operations inside Iraq during the first Iraq war.
But American and
British forces did not use outer space as the staging point for the campaign
against Saddam; they used received logistics, command and control
facilities, airspace transit rights, port access and airbases to varying
degrees from the Arab Gulf States much as Washington and London had in the
earlier war. While many Gulf States publicly denounced American and British
war efforts in craven pandering to Arab public opinion, they privately lent
the support needed to wage the war. This reality belies the common wisdom's
false dichotomy that this war is "unilateral," contrasting with the first
Gulf war which was "multilateral."
Despite all the
confidence in the common mind about the strengths of coalition warfare of
the first Iraq war and the weaknesses of coalition warfare in the second
Iraq war, there are more similarities than differences. And calls for more
"multinational" participation in Iraq ring hallow against the political and
military realities of the region and international security.
Europe's
NATO members – save the British – and Arab forces made few battlefield
contributions in the first Iraq
war and are no more willing or able to contribute militarily to the second
Iraq war. Just as it was more
than a decade ago, the Americans and the British find themselves a lonely
couple waging "coalition" warfare in Iraq.
Richard L.
Russell is a Research Associate at the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy
and teaches in the Security Studies Program at Georgetown University.
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