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Bush's New
Middle East
Ximena Ortiz
If only
the gathering discontent over Iraq could be tidily
relegated to the "against us" corner of the world; if
only allies could be shocked and awed into consenting to
U.S. policies; if only democracy could be established by
the point of a gun, then President Bush could declare
his preemptive war doctrine a triumph.
The
Bush Administration had said before invading Iraq in
March 2003 that the war would facilitate a democratic
renaissance in the Middle East. It is therefore
important to look at just what the regional impact has
been, particularly since Saddam's allegedly fearsome WMD
arsenal (the administration's main causus belli)
has not been found.
While
the Bush Administration deserves credit for successfully
negotiating Libya's recent decision to allow nuclear
inspections (though the program doesn't appear to have
been advanced), America’s allies in the Middle East
claim that the terrorist threat in their own countries
has escalated, in part, as a result of the Iraq war. And
America's
relationships with its allies have noticeably weakened,
with friendships that were once bankable now appearing
ambiguous.
During
a recent trip to
Washington,
Tunisian Foreign Minister Habib Ben Yahia raised
concerns about the potential impact of the
Iraq
war on his country and others. "For the time being, the
preliminary analysis is not so good in our region," said
Mr. Yahia, given the combination of the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan and the lack of movement on the
Israeli-Palestinian crisis. "Without a solution [on
these fronts] there has developed a kind of substance
which is contaminating a number of countries," he added.
This "accumulation phenomenon," said Mr. Yahia, provides
"an excuse for those who use terror" rather than
negotiation. Mr. Yahia also said that Tunisia's "secret
weapon" against terror has been the building of schools,
clinics, electricity infrastructure and roads, and the
use of "brains, more than bullets."
Tunisia
has been a strong counter-terror ally for the
United
States
and a credible, stabilizing voice on Mideast matters.
Tunisia's interests in the Middle East largely converge
with those of the United States. Its concerns over
rising terrorism and a general radicalization of Muslim
populations should be taken seriously.
Turkey
has also been raising pointed reservations. During a
trip to Washington last month, Turkish Foreign Ministry
Undersecretary Ugur Ziyal expressed his country's
concerns over U.S. strategy in Iraq. "People must
believe that change is driven by them," he said, “This
is what's missing in Iraq." He also said, "The
difference is, as the foreign minister said at the
[Organization of the Islamic Conference], we encourage
the OIC members and the governments in the region to
clean their houses, instead of trying to clean their
houses for them."
Mr.
Ziyal also suggested that
America
wasn't heeding all of Turkey's concerns regarding Iraq.
"Our cooperation in Iraq is less than satisfactory," in
terms of exchange of information and coordinated
strategizing on issues related to, for example, Iraqi
leadership, he said.
"Some
people on the [Iraqi Governing Council] are not
leaders," he said. Mr. Ziyal also obliquely acknowledged
that Turkey's recent problems with terrorism are a
result, in part, of the Iraq war. "We know that
terrorism is not there SOLELY because of the U.S.
military intervention in Iraq." (Emphasis added.)
Though
Turkey allowed America to reopen a military base along
the border with
Iraq
last week, it has also raised an alarm about the
potential repercussions of granting Kurdish autonomy in
Iraq – a concern Syria and Iran share. Turkey has also
been calibrating its alliances recently, in an effort to
distance itself from some U.S. policies and bolster ties
with other countries in the Middle East —including those
the Bush Administration doesn't approve of. Syrian
President Bashar Assad, earlier this month, became the
first Syrian head of state to visit Turkey since World
War II. Turkey's hosting of Mr. Assad highlights its
newfound willingness to stray from U.S. posturing.
Turkey's
drift from the United States is worrisome. Turkey is a
democracy, critical NATO ally and
America’s
most stalwart friend in the Muslim world. The Turks also
have an acquired understanding of Iraq, and their
skepticism regarding U.S. tactics should be sounding
alarms in Washington.
It is
premature to pass final judgment on the effects of the
Iraq campaign on the Middle East and beyond. So far,
most of the unintended consequences have been
conspicuously negative. But there have been others that
are mixed. The problems (some quite severe) that the war
has caused for Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf, for
example, has led the United States to significantly
bolster its engagement in South Asia, with some positive
results in the Pakistani-India peace initiative.
But if
previously stable countries, such as Turkey, are forced
to face a ferocious terrorist threat as a result, at
least in part, of the Iraq war, the United States could
be blamed. And the damage done to
America's
alliances could also have lasting consequences.
Ximena
Ortiz is the recipient of the Pulliam Editorial
Fellowship, and is writing a book about the policy
repercussion of the Iraq war, The War, According to
the World.
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