Washington Cannot Afford
to Neglect Algeria
February 11, 2004
By Jonathan Eric Lewis
Traditionally viewed as part of
France’s
sphere of influence and as peripheral to
Washington’s
national interests in the
Middle
East, Algeria has long been an afterthought in American
foreign policy decision-making. Since Algerian
militants constitute a significant core of the new
cadres of al-Qaeda and similar Islamist groups hostile
to the United States and its allies, Washington can no
longer relegate Algeria to the margins of its national
security policy. Given that Algerian members of the
Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat are active in
Western Europe and are engaged in international
terrorism that directly threatens vital American
national interests, it is imperative that Washington
begin to vigorously press for a more stable, pro-Western
Algeria that no longer produces large numbers of
militant Islamic groups and one that will eventually
join with Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia in
seeking a rapprochement with Israel.
This
coming April,
Algeria will have
its presidential election. This will be a good bellwether for the political
future of North
Africa. In many
ways, Algeria is a
laboratory for the relationship between Islam and the West and for many of
the political conflicts engulfing the Arab-Islamic world. Such fundamental
questions as the roles of both Islam and military authoritarianism in
politics, the relationship between Arabism and ethnic minorities, the role
of a free press, and attitudes toward Israel, have all been contested in the
Algerian public sphere throughout the 1990s and up until today. Washington
would be well-advised to seriously engage with both the government and the
legitimate, non-Islamist opposition movements, all in an effort to help
foster a more open, pluralistic Algerian society in which free-market
reforms and economic development might stem the tide of both radical Islam
and the mass emigration of unemployed men who are easy converts to Islamism
in Western Europe and, if holders of European passports, hidden threats to
American national security.
While
President Abdelaziz Bouteflika is generally expected to handily win
re-election and continue on with his authoritarian style of rule, there have
been recent political developments that might jeopardize what was once
widely considered a fait accompli and may indicate that Algeria is slowly
climbing out of the political turmoil and violence which engulfed the
country throughout much of the past decade. The initial challenge to
Bouteflika‚s increasing authoritarian rule hailed from the so-called “Group
of 11,” a loose coalition of Algerian political personalities who have
accused the government of obstructing presidential challengers and, in a
recent statement excerpted in the Algerian newspaper La Tribune, called for
“a regular, sincere, and transparent election.”
Further challenges have arisen from two significant quarters: the Algerian
military and the country’s significant Berber population. Although the
Algerian military had been on the forefront of the war against Islamism in
Algeria and initially supported President Bouteflika, some generals are now
having second thoughts regarding the sitting president. In a stunning
announcement, General Mohamed Lamar announced the neutrality of the generals
in the upcoming election, prompting one Algerian commentator to bluntly
state to a leading newspaper that the military “no longer wants Bouteflika.”
As if
this weren’t already enough of a challenge to his rule and assumed
re-election, Bouteflika is now also facing a major challenge from the
country’s large Berber, or Kabyle, population. The descendents of the
indigenous, pre-Arab population of North Africa, the Kabyles constitute
close to one-quarter of Algeria’s population and have faced discrimination
at the hands of the Arab-speaking government and violence at the hands of
the Islamists, many of whom deliberately targeted secular Kabyles such as
the novelist Tahar Djaout for execution in their violent jihad of the early
1990s. Although Kabyles have achieved a great deal of success in
post-independence Algeria, the greater and more nationalist Kabyle community
has recently threatened to sit-out the April election unless their demand
for government recognition of their ethnic language, Tamazight, as an
official language is met. The Kabyles have rejected the suggestion of Prime
Minister Ahmed Ouyahia (himself a Kabyle) that the only way Algeria could
make Tamazight an official language on par with Arabic was through a
national referendum.
Given
their hostility to Islamism and their relatively pro-Western, pro-democratic
outlook formed through their experience in local government councils called
ârchs, the Kabyles should be given ample consideration by Washington. Under
President Bush, the United States has taken a more active role in pressing
for democratization and minority rights in the Middle East with the
assumption that more democratic and pluralistic societies will not produce
terrorists. Should Washington view a degree of Kurdish autonomy in a
federal Iraq
as in its interest, it should likewise consider the possibility that a
degree of Kabyle autonomy might be in the best interest of both promoting
stability in Algeria and in defusing a possible ethnic conflict that neither
Algeria
nor Washington would want.
Algeria,
paraphrasing the words of the liberal Algerian journalist Mohamed Benchicou,
will have its April 2004 election out of the international spotlight. Aside
from scattered references in the French media and occasional slight mention
in the Anglophone press, Algeria’s political future is really not on the
radar screen for many in the international community. Given the fact that
Algerian Islamic militants now constitute a clear and present danger to the
American homeland and to vital American interests overseas, Washington can
no longer afford to continue its policy of benign neglect toward Algiers.
Even though President Bush did meet with President Bouteflika following the
September 11 terrorist attacks, Washington has still not done nearly enough
to promote a peaceful and pluralistic Algeria that is at peace with itself.
With European intelligence agencies arresting anti-American Algerian
militants on a fairly regular basis, it is high time that Washington ends
its relatively hands-off policy toward Algerian politics.
Jonathan Eric Lewis is a political analyst and consultant specializing in
minority rights in the
Middle East. |