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Good Intentions and Bad
Consequences:
How Overregulation Impedes
Uzbekistan's Growth
Elena Suhir
In 2001,
Uzbekistan embarked on a self-proclaimed economic reform
program aimed at accelerating its transition to a market
economy that better complied to international
standards. A key goal of the Uzbek government was to
decrease the share of the economy operating outside the
formal system of licensing, taxation, certification, and
other administrative barriers to business.
By the
end of 2003, however, the government’s ambitious program
had unnecessarily damaged the Uzbek private sector. The
good intention of increasing the number of legitimate
small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) succumbed to
the ill effects of poorly designed legislation and
overregulation.
Promising steps have taken place in recent months as the
Uzbek government has reconsidered several onerous
measures, but many barriers to enterprise development
and economic growth remain firmly in place.
With
roughly half of the private economy operating outside
the law, the Uzbek government’s interest in formalizing
more enterprises is evident. However, despite the
government’s efforts aimed at helping business, new SME
registration has drastically dropped from 40,000 in
January 2001 to 15,000 in June of that year, according
to the World Bank. Businesses in the informal sector do
not pay taxes, yet have very high operating costs aimed
at bypassing the law. These costs are directly passed
on to the consumers. Such a large share of informal
business activity not only deprives government of
revenue, but undermines its very authority.
Informal businessmen
sacrifice legal title of their property, the protections
of the courts, the ability to contract, and the use of
their property, as collateral for bank loans. The price
is steep. Why do so many small-scale entrepreneurs make
that trade-off?
While operating in
the shadow economy is not cheap for businesses, it can
be significantly less expensive than entering the formal
sector, say entrepreneurs. Bribe-seeking Uzbek
government officials regularly make it clear that paying
them under the table is more advantageous than paying
the full burden of official taxes or fines. While
remaining in the shadow is costly, emerging into the
official economy is even more so. The complicated
documentation procedures for obtaining official licenses
require businessmen to run through a bureaucratic maze.
The exorbitant costs expended in pursuit of legal
requirements directly subtract from time spent on
gainful and productive business activities.
Any cursory
examination of the informal sector quickly reveals that
it is merely the symptom of a much more serious disease:
overregulation. Regulations that set excessively high
barriers to property ownership and its use by its
rightful owner tie down the wealth of the country.
Bureaucratic overregulation in the form of taxation,
licensing, certification, registration, and other
numerous administrative procedures that require
mandatory permission at every step places a heavy burden
on the entrepreneur. Government-made barriers to the
establishment of valid property rights trap assets in
less than fully productive uses.
Recent
legislation has choked much business activity,
particularly that of small and medium enterprises.
Wholesale operations with strong political connections
were boosted by new decrees, while significantly
reducing competition from smaller wholesalers and
traders. When passing these new decrees, legislators
proclaimed their commitment to spurring the economy
through the promotion of SMEs and the creation of badly
needed jobs by fostering a healthier business
environment, increasing economic growth, and generating
much needed tax revenue.
However,
rather than providing incentives for informal businesses
to enter the formal economy, the government imposed
regulations of control and protectionism that habitually
infringe on property rights. In addition, the local
business community believes that these regulations were
designed with a short-term vision and were intentionally
written in vague and often contradictory language. In
addition, when businesses are not encouraged to expand,
they are unable to provide employment opportunity which
is badly needed in Uzbekistan. Consequently, the new
regulatory framework that emerged has practically
devastated local businesses, sharply increased informal
sector activity, and has traumatized the local economy.
Restricted access to
cash, hampered by a crippled banking system, has
significantly curtailed the amount of business activity
in Uzbekistan. Withdrawing money from the bank is now
only permitted under a narrow set of circumstances that
is closely monitored by bank staff. Despite the fact
that entrepreneurs are withdrawing their own money from
their own bank account, if the reasons sited for
withdrawal are incompatible with the narrow categories
under which withdrawal is permitted, cash is not
distributed. Despite more recent legislation adopted in
August 2002,
stating
that cash should be made available to the account bearer
on his or her first request,
banks continue to dispense cash according to outdated
legislation. Entrepreneurs believe that this is due to
a lack of an enforcement mechanism within the new law
itself; hence, banks follow the only procedure ever
provided, which belongs to the “superceded”
legislation. Even though most basic transactions must
be executed via a bank transfer mechanism, buyers and
sellers still frequently arrange supplemental cash
payments outside the legal system in order to avoid
documenting the true value of goods and services, and
thus reducing their formal tax liability. This type of
“banking system” encourages SMEs to maintain their
“accounts” as cash sitting unproductively in their
private safes.
These severe restrictions on cash have driven numerous
small- and medium sized enterprises out of business
because of their reliance on the cash-and-carry
commerce. For example, when a small sewing company
operating in Tashkent was contracted by a large factory
to manufacture uniforms, the particular fabric material
required for the uniforms was available only through
import. The factory agreed to advance the sewing firm
600,000 Uzbek Sum to obtain the sewing materials by
transferring the money into their bank account. However,
it was not able to withdraw the cash in order to make
the purchase. All efforts on behalf of the owner to
obtain the materials legally failed, as no
material-supplier accepted non-cash payment.
Consequently, the contract could not be fulfilled.
Small
scale entrepreneurs who continue to import or export
face yet another major hurdle with certification
requirements; customs remains one of the most
problematic areas for entrepreneurs in Uzbekistan. In
January 2003,
the Customs Administration began to impose harsh
measures on goods crossing the Uzbek border.
Private cargo
that
does not completely comply with the excessive
documentation requirements is subject to confiscation
and sold on the spot to consumers or other trading
companies at nominal prices with the proceeds going into
the pockets of the border agents. Customs officers who
are in clear violation of the law and ethical norms are
seldom held accountable for their actions.
Sadly,
this behavior is not confined to customs agents. The
uncompensated seizure of property from businesses and
individuals has been reported throughout the country.
According to the U.S. Department of State, agricultural
land is particularly vulnerable. In the commercial
sector, stores that cannot furnish documentation proving
that their consumer goods were imported legally are
subject to having them seized as contraband.
For SME
owners who insist on remaining within the formal
economy, exhaustive registration and certification
procedures further debilitate the export industry. Not
only must the entrepreneur obtain excessive
documentation from agencies scattered around town, but
these agencies also require samples of the goods on
which they conduct an “expertise process” to ensure
compliance with international standards. While
certification is a necessary part of doing business,
excessiveness is choking business. Certification in
Uzbekistan is an expensive and lengthy process costing
entrepreneurs from $200-$500 and up to ten full days’
time. Ultimately, foreign investors tend to lose
patience and abandon the deal. The result is that Uzbek
producers and farmers forfeit traditional and new
markets for their products, further lowering the local
living standard and destabilizing the economy in the
region.
Entrepreneurs complain that while a formal recognition
of private property value exists in Uzbekistan, their
rights are continuously violated with little
repercussion, thus severely
harming
their businesses
and, in the process, undermining the rule of law.
Any attempts to thwart this ongoing abuse have usually
resulted in heightened tensions between the
entrepreneurs and the authorities, further deteriorating
the relationship between
government agencies
and the
business community.
At
present, for example, a resident in Tashkent will pay on
average twice the price for everyday consumer goods,
such as butter or bread, than a resident in Moscow
despite the fact that the average Uzbek salary is only a
fraction of that of a Muscovite. Paying 1,400 Uzbek Sum
(about $1.50) for a stick of butter out of an average
monthly salary of about 18,000 Uzbek Sum (about $20) has
led to a significant deterioration in the living
standard.
Even attempts at some
levels of government to ameliorate the plight of
entrepreneurs have been undermined by the national
government’s enforcement of restrictions. In February
2003, the Tashkent city government converted a sports
stadium into
an
open-air market,
where the first 200 booths were allotted at no charge
and the rest were sold. The intent, once again, was to
revive small business at any cost by allowing booths to
operate without cash registers. After the market
thrived for three months, state authorities found this
arrangement to be illegal, and all market activity
ceased. Citing the Cabinet of Ministers decree
requiring the use of cash registers, booth vendors were
offered two options: either use cash registers or give
up their lots (without compensation). By using cash
registers, these vendors would move from the semi-formal
market into the formal one – an unprofitable proposition
for most because of the high costs of doing business
legally. Hence, most chose to give up, depriving
wholesale and retail trade of its most profitable venue
for business. This move affected the whole country,
since entrepreneurs nationwide traveled to Tashkent to
do business.
Up to
80% of goods produced in Tashkent were sold to buyers
from outside the capital city.
Uzbek businessmen suggest that commerce levels sunk as
much as 5-10 percent compared with August 2002 due to
this single event.
To
reverse the country’s economic slide, the following
three steps should be taken. First, the SME business
sector needs immediate relief from the myriad
regulations imposed that hinder business growth. It is
encouraging to see that the Uzbek government has
undertaken some initiatives in this regard. Easing of
the requirement that exporters receive full payment in
order to export their goods removes one ill-designed
measure. The formal introduction of currency
convertibility is also a step in the right direction.
Second,
in order to reduce the number of enterprises operating
informally, new legislation must provide entrepreneurs
with incentives to operate within the formal sector.
Most importantly, ownership issues lingering from the
post-Soviet privatization of state assets must be
resolved. The surge in credit accompanying the
availability of undisputed property as collateral will
infuse the economy with new functioning capital.
Finally,
in the future the voice of the business community needs
to be heard when legislation is being written. These
unfortunate results came about from policies made behind
closed doors with little private sector participation
(or the participation of only a favored business elite)
to supply information about the practical effects of
changes. True economic reform is possible only when the
private sector is widely represented in transparent
policymaking to reflect the best interests of the wider
citizenry.
Elena
Suhir is the Center for International Private
Enterprise’s Program Officer for Eurasia. This article
is based on personal observations and interviews
conducted with Uzbek business owners and mangers during
visits to the country over the course of 2003. This
essay is adapted from a longer report issued by CIPE and
available at http://www.cipe.org/pdf/publications/fs/suhir.pdf.
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