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On to Damascus
Nir Boms and
Erick Stakelbeck
Last month at the Free University of Brussels, just 200
meters from the Syrian Embassy, a group of Syrians
gathered to discuss something spoken of only in whispers
in their native land—freedom.
The scene was the second conference of the Syrian
Democratic Coalition (SDC), a growing union of
pro-democracy groups comprised of both resident Syrians
and Syrians living abroad. Under the hospices of the
Belgian government, representatives of 19 Syrian
political parties, civil rights and student
organizations gathered from January 17-19 to discuss
replacing the world’s last remaining Ba’ath Party
dictatorship with a secular democracy. In addition to
proposing the establishment of a new Syrian constitution
and free markets, the conference’s participants advanced
a bold plan that, if successful, would put enormous
pressure on Syrian dictator Bashar Al-Assad’s already
shaky Ba’athist regime. SDC’s next conference, announced
Farid Ghadry, the organization’s president, would take
place not in the comfortable confines of Europe or the
United States, but in the Baa’th Party’s own
backyard—Damascus.
“In freeing a country, you have to always be on the
offensive,” explains Ghadry, an entrepreneur and Syrian
native who has lived in the Washington, DC area since
1975. “Even if Assad doesn’t let [the Damascus
conference] happen, it draws attention to our movement.
And if he does let it happen, we rally the opposition
groups inside Syria. Assad loses either way.”
Spearheaded by the success of its initial conference,
held in Washington, DC in November, SDC has grown
considerably over the past few months. While Syria is
currently ruled by Bashar Al-Assad’s Alawites—who make
up only five percent of the Syrian population—SDC’s
members include Sunnis, Shiites, Alawites, Assyrian
Christians and Kurds, all representative of the full
spectrum of Syrian society. Formed in the aftermath of
9/11, SDC has benefited from intensive outreach efforts
in the U.S. and abroad.
“We have learned many lessons from the INC (Iraqi
National Congress), and have already begun to implement
them” says Ghadry. “We have reached out to the European
Union. We have also opened a channel between Jacques
Chirac’s party in France and our party, and we have a
channel open into Turkey, Jordan, Egypt and Iraq as
well.”
Ghadry was particularly encouraged to see members of the
Belgian government at the Brussels conference, including
Senator Roelants Du Vivier. While it is no surprise that
the pro-democracy message of SDC resonates deeply in the
U.S., the EU, as evidenced by the vociferous opposition
of some of its member countries to the Iraq War, has
thus far been difficult to sell on matters of regime
change in the Middle East. But Gianfranco Dell’Alba, a
European Union parliament member who met with Ghadry in
Brussels, believes the EU can play a vital role in
securing democracy in a region long synonymous with
tyranny.
“The official opinion of the EU on regime change in
Syria is currently one of realpolitik,” says
Dell’Alba. “But I hope—and we hope—that Europe
can play a role in the struggle for democracy in the
Middle East.”
He adds: “The Arab countries themselves recognize that
change is compulsory if they don’t want to fail.”
The Brussels conference showcased the growing influence
of SDC amongst Syrians of various religious, ethnic and
political stripes, as 35 delegates from 19 different
Syrian pro-democracy groups were in attendance. From
Assyrian Christians, Shiites, Alawites and Sunnis, to
women’s rights advocates, students, secularists and
Kurds, representatives of Syria’s various ethnic,
religious and political factions—free from the threats
of imprisonment and torture commonly employed by the
Assad regime—all made their voices heard in Brussels.
“I have been waiting for an opposition movement like
this for 20 years,” says Mohammed Saleh Gaida, who came
to Brussels representing 325,000 Arabs and Kurds from
three different tribes in northern Syria. “I receive
dozens of calls from Syrians every day asking when [SDC]
is going to come to Damascus. The Syrian people are
hungry for information about the coalition.”
The Syrian government’s recent declaration that it plans
to ignore Libya’s example and continue developing
weapons of mass destruction underscores the growing
problem presented by Assad’s regime. In the past month
alone, David Kay (formerly of the CIA-sponsored Iraq
Survey Group) and SDC’s Nizar Nayouf have both accused
Syria of harboring components of Saddam Hussein’s WMD
arsenal. Nayouf, a journalist and former Syrian
prisoner, even provided a map showing three sites in
which the materials are allegedly located. In addition,
evidence persists that the Syrian government—despite
repeated denials—continues to provide support to Hamas,
Hizbollah and Palestinian Islamic Jihad terrorists and
aid the flow of foreign fighters into Iraq. These and
other transgressions have left the Ba’ath Party on a
collision course with the United States for several
months (witness the Syrian Accountability Act, signed
into law by President Bush in December).
“Assad’s regime has survived by dividing the country,
because they are a minority rule,” says Ghadry. “We are
doing the opposite—we are bringing people together who
want democracy, regardless of their race or religion.”
As for SDC’s plans to hold its third conference in the
lion’s den itself, Damascus, Ghadry is tight-lipped
except to say that EU Parliament members have already
agreed to accompany SDC into Syria. Considering the
current Syrian law that requires anyone seeking regime
change to be hanged, this is a risky proposition indeed.
Ghadry, however, remains unfazed. “I want to keep Assad
in suspense,” he says. “And I want to be on the
offensive.”
Damascus it is.
Nir Boms is a fellow
at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies. Erick
Stakelbeck is head writer at the Investigative Project,
a Washington, DC-based counterterrorism research
institute.
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