There
are a number of myths about oil that are prevalent in
the United States, especially regarding U.S.
"dependence" on foreign oil and military action as a
"subsidy" for the oil industry. It is especially
dangerous, however, when these myths become the basis
for policy recommendations.
First, in the United States, the principal use of
petroleum is for transportation, not for electrical
generation. According to the U.S. Energy Information
Agency (EIA), transportation accounted for 68 percent
of total petroleum consumption in 2002. Petroleum
consumption for transportation is heavily taxed – not
subsidized – by local, state and federal governments.
Annually, the federal government alone collects about
$40 billion. Of this, more than $33 billion is spent
for highways and similar improvements, about $6
billion on mass transit and about $70 million for the
EPA administered Leaking Underground Storage Tanks
Fund.
Second, to claim that
U.S.
military action subsidizes the petroleum industry by
insuring secure sources is dubious at best. After the
first Gulf War, we returned the captured oil fields to
Kuwait. We are returning the oil fields in Iraq to
that government. According to the EIA, in 2002 less
than 12 percent of total U.S. petroleum consumption
came from the Persian Gulf states. These sources are
more important to Europe and the Far East than to the
United States.
Third, the sources of the petroleum are not important
because there is a world market for oil in which the
U.S.
is a major component, but not the defining factor. The
defining factor is the combination of the competition
among various energy sources and the competing
consumption of many users in all countries which,
together, establish the world-wide price. Lengthy
disruptions of supplies from one region will cause a
temporary increase in world price that will result in
expansion of production and facilities in other
regions. Although inconvenient, a major disruption
could trigger the use of the Strategic Petroleum
Reserve to smooth price increases. Many nations are
more vulnerable than the United States to such
disruptions.
Fourth, we do not need the military to secure stable
sources. For decades, nations, tyrants and dictators
have willingly sold petroleum because it is in their
benefit to do so. And it is in their benefit to
protect their sources. Permitting disruptions deprives
these countries of needed revenues. An exception to
this "need to export" occurred in the 1970s when
certain nations attempted to influence American policy
towards Israel by initiating what was called the Arab
Oil Embargo and denying export to the United States.
The attempt failed totally. During the embargo, the
United States imported more oil than it did prior to
the embargo. This failure is clear evidence of a world
market in a fungible (interchangeable) commodity in
which no nation, or region, can dominate. The long
lines many Americans experienced at the gas pumps
during this time were a result of a foolish government
policy to allocate the distribution of fuel – rather
than a shortage of fuel.
Finally, an interruption in world oil supplies -- for
whatever reason and no matter where it occurs – will
raise the world price to all oil consumers and damage
the national economies of importers, like China and –
of course – poor nations that depend greatly on oil.
In this respect, the
United States
is less vulnerable. In 2002, petroleum generated
slightly more than 2 percent of total electricity
generated at power plants. That same year, solar
generated about 0.01 percent of the nation's
electricity. Coal, in contrast, generates about 54
percent of the nation's electricity. Moreover, the
source of this coal is the United States, which has
more than adequate amounts and requires no military
commitments outside its borders to protect it.
It's
important to have a national dialogue on energy
policy. But getting the facts straight is the first
order of business.
S.
Fred Singer is the president of The Science &
Environmental Policy Project (SEPP) <http://www.sepp.org/>